錫安主義

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1844 Discourse on the Restoration of the Jews by Mordecai Noah, page one. The second page shows the map of the Land of Israel

錫安主義（又稱猶太復國主義；Zionism）是猶太人的政治運動，以及支持猶太人在以色列土地建立家園的意識形態, 猶太人在以色列土地立國已有超過三千二百年歷史,而猶太王國或自治領在公元二百年前一直有斷斷續續存在。雖然錫安主義是建基於猶太人的宗教傳統對以色列土地的聯繫,但現代的猶太復國主義開始時是世俗化的,它很大程度上是對十九世紀時在歐洲及穆斯林世界十分猖獗的反猶太主義的一種回應。經過一連串的進展和挫折,並在納粹德國對猶太人大屠殺中摧毀了歐洲的猶太族群後,錫安主義運動在1948年以色列立國時達到了高潮。

自以色列立國開始,錫安主義這名詞變得常用於指對以色列國的支持。但是,一系列不同,而且互相競爭的支持以色列的意識形態切合了錫安主義的廣義範疇,例如宗教錫安主義,修正錫安主義和勞工錫安主義。於是,錫安主義有時也會用作指定形容這些意識形態的活動,例如鼓勵猶太人移居以色列的活動。雖然舊約的歷史遠超過現代錫安主義運動,錫安主義這名詞亦會用作形容有千年歷史的舊約與猶太人和以色列國的關係。在一些情況下,錫安主義者會比用作泛指所有猶太人,以作為對反猶太主義的一種美化和掩飾,1968年的波蘭反猶運動就是一例。 本條目是用以對錫安主義運動的歷史和目標作出描述,而非對以色列歷史或以巴衝突的析述。如想了解種種反對錫安主義的運動,可參見反猶主義。

[编辑] 犹太复国主义运动的建立

犹太人返回祖辈所居住的地方的愿望已成為全球猶太人的中心主題 ever since the defeat of the Great Jewish Revolt, and 在公元70年罗马帝国对耶路撒冷的毁灭, the defeat of Bar Kochba's revolt in 135 CE, and 然后犹太人就散居到了帝国的其他地方, 虽然在Hellenistic Age 许多犹太人自愿决定离开巴勒斯坦而移居到地中海盆地的其他地方^[1] (这些移居所造就的著名的人士中包括亚历山大的斐洛). 由于叛乱的灾难性后果，what was once a human driven movement towards regaining national sovereignty based on religious inspiration, over centuries tradition and broken hopes of one "false messiah" after another took much of the human element out of messianic deliverance and put it all in the hands of 上帝. Although Jewish nationalism in ancient times have always taken on religious connotations, from the Maccabean Revolt to the various Jewish revolts during Roman rule, and even during the Medieval period when intermittently national hopes were incarnated in the "false messianism" of Shabbatai Zvi, among other less known messianists, it was not until the rise of ideological and political 錫安主義 and its renewed belief in human based action toward Jewish national aspiration, did the notion of returning to the homeland become widespread among the Jewish consciousness.

Jews lived continuously in the land even after the Bar Kochba revolt, and indeed there is much historical documentation to show vibrant communities there. For example, the Palestinian Talmud was created in the centuries following that revolt. The inventor of hebrew vowel-signs in the 5th century lived in a vibrant Jewish community in Palestine; and so forth. The slow and gradual decline of the Palestinian Jews occurred across a period of several centuries, and can be attributed to Hadrian's crushing of Bar Kochba, the 阿拉伯人 conquest of Palestine in the 600's, the Crusader wars in the 11th century and beyond, and the inefficiencies of the Ottoman empire from the 15th century on, by which time the land had greatly decreased in fertility and its economy was virtually nil. Despite this, several Zionist movements over the centuries saw the revival of particular Jewish communities, such as the middle-ages community of Sefat which was bolstered by so many Jews fleeing the turmoil of the Christian reconquest of Spain.

The Haskala of Jews in European countries in the 18世纪 and 19世纪 following the 法国大革命, and the spread of western liberal ideas among a section of newly emancipated Jews, created for the first time a class of secular Jews, who absorbed the prevailing ideas of rationalism, 浪漫主义 and, most importantly, nationalism. Jews who had abandoned Judaism, at least in its traditional forms, began to develop a new Jewish identity, as a "nation" in the European sense. They were inspired by various national struggles, such as those for 德国 and 意大利 unification, and for 波兰 and 匈牙利 independence. If Italians and Poles were entitled to a homeland, they asked, why were Jews not so entitled?

A precursor to the Zionist movement of the later 1800s occurred with the 1820 attempt by journalist, playwright and American-born diplomat Mordecai Manuel Noah to establish a Jewish homeland on Grand Island, New York, (north of Buffalo, New York, USA). Noah called it "Ararat" after 亞拉拉特山, the Biblical resting place of Noah's Ark.

Before the 1890s there had already been attempts to settle Jews in Palestine, which was in the 19th century a part of the Ottoman Empire, inhabited (in 1890) by about 520,000 people, mostly 穆斯林 and Christian 阿拉伯人s but including 20-25,000 Jews. Pogroms in 俄国 led Jewish philanthropists such as the Montefiores and the Rothschilds to sponsor agricultural settlements for Russian Jews in Palestine in the late 1870s, culminating in a small group of immigrants from Russia arriving in the country in 1882. This has become known in Zionist history as the First Aliyah (aliyah is a Hebrew word meaning "ascent," referring to the act of spiritually "ascending" to the Holy Land. In modern Hebrew, this word is used in place of an equivalent to "immigration.").

Proto-Zionist groups such as Hibbat Zion were active in the 1880s in the Eastern Europe where emancipation had not occurred to the extent it did in Western Europe (or at all). The massive anti-Jewish pogroms following the assassination of Tsar Alexander II made emancipation seem farther than ever and influenced Judah Leib Pinsker to publish the pamphlet Auto-Emancipation in January 1, 1882. The pamphlet became influential for the Political 錫安主義 movement.

如同 Moses Hess在他1862年的著作《羅馬與耶路撒冷：最後的民族問題》所論，有些猶太思想家認為猶太人定居 巴勒斯坦是一個民族問題。Hess提出社會主義式國家的計劃 in which the Jews would become agrarianised through a process of "redemption of the soil" which would transform the Jewish community into a true nation in that Jews would occupy the productive layers of society rather than being an intermediary non-productive merchant class which is how he perceived European Jews. Hess, along with later thinkers such as Nahum Syrkin and Ber Borochov, 被視為 是 社會主義式的錫安主義 和 勞動錫安主義 的創立者，以及 kibbutz 運動明智的開宗者之一。

The first aliyah: Biluim used to wear the traditional Arab headdress, the kaffiyeh

美国 evangelical Christian Zionists such as William Eugene Blackstone also pursued the Zionist ideal during late 19th century, especially in the American Blackstone Memorial (1891).

发动现代犹太复国主义的一个关键事件是1894年发生在法国的德雷福斯事件。 犹太人被这起在他们认为是自由与启蒙的发源地的国家发生的反犹太主义事件深深地震动了。这个事件的一个见证者是奥地利裔犹太人西奥多·赫茨尔。在1896年他出版的一个叫做《犹太国》的小册子中，他将这个事件描述成一个转折点——在德雷福斯事件以前，赫茨尔曾经是一个反犹太复国主义者；在事件以后他变成了一个犹太复国主义的热烈追随者。然而，历史学家们一直没有重视赫茨尔的自述，转而指出推动现代犹太复国主义普及的主要因素是煽动政治家卡尔·鲁埃格所持有的反犹太人主义观点的流行化。^[2] 1897年，赫茨尔在瑞士的巴塞尔召开了第一次犹太复国主义者大会。这次大会成立了世界犹太复国主义者组织(WZO)，并推选赫茨尔为这个组织的第一任主席。

"錫安主義" 這個字根源於 "锡安" (Hebrew: ציון, Tziyyon), 是聖經中所提到耶路撒冷 的別名。 這是 奥地利 猶太出版商 Nathan Birnbaum 在他1890年的刊物《自我解放》中對猶太 民族主義所創的辭彙。

[编辑] 犹太复国主义者的主张

虽然犹太复国主义是以犹太教为根据将犹太人与以色列地区联系在一起的，现代犹太复国主义运动本来是非宗教性质的, 开始是作为对19世纪末叶在欧洲猖狂的反犹太主义的一个回击。它是犹太人对在东欧——主要是俄国——发生对犹太人大屠杀的一个反击。

In 1883, Nathan Birnbaum, nineteen years old, founded Kadimah, the first Jewish Students Association in Vienna. In 1884 the first issue of Selbstemanzipation or Self Emancipation appeared, completely made by Nathan Birnbaum himself. Kadimah was the first Jewish nationalist orientated organisation; in 1890 he coined the term Zionist and 錫安主義.

In 1878 the first Zionist Settlement appeared Petah Tikva, inhabited by former residents of Jerusalem hoping to escape the cramped quarters of Jerusalem's walls.

Rishon LeZion was founded on 31 July 1882 by a group of 10 members of the Zionist group Hovevei Zion from Kharkov, in modern Ukraine. Led by Zalman David Levontin, they purchased 835 acres (3.4 km²) of land south-east of present-day 特拉维夫 for this purpose near an Arab village named Uyun Qara. Along with Petah Tikva, it is considered the first Zionist settlement in Israel and its founders were members of the First Aliyah. The land was owned by Tzvi Leventine and was purchased by the "Pioneers of Jewish Settlement Committee" that was formed in Jaffa, the port of arrival for many of the immigrants to the area.

Theodor Herzl (May 2 1860 – July 3 1904年) was an Austrian Jewish journalist who became the founder of modern political 錫安主義. In 1897, he founded Die Welt of Vienna. Then he planned the first Zionist Congress in Basel, together with Nathan Birnbaum. During the congress, the following agreement was reached:

錫安主義 seeks to establish a home for the Jewish people in Eretz-Israel secured under public law. The Congress contemplates the following means to the attainment of this end:

• The promotion by appropriate means of the settlement in Eretz-Israel of Jewish farmers, artisans, and manufacturers.
• The organization and uniting of the whole of Jewry by means of appropriate institutions, both local and international, in accordance with the laws of each country.
• The strengthening and fostering of Jewish national sentiment and national consciousness.
• Preparatory steps toward obtaining the consent of governments, where necessary, in order to reach the goals of 錫安主義.

After the first Zionist Congress, the first four years they met every year, later they gathered every second year till the Second World War. After the war the Congress met every four years until present time.

The WZO's initial strategy was to obtain permission of the Ottoman Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II to allow systematic Jewish settlement in Palestine. The good offices of the German Emperor, Wilhelm II, were sought, but nothing came of this. Instead the WZO pursued a strategy of building a homeland through persistent small-scale immigration, and the founding of such bodies as the Jewish National Fund in 1901 and the Anglo-Palestine Bank in 1903.

Theodor Herzl addresses the Second Zionist Congress in 1898.

Before 1917 some Zionist leaders took seriously proposals for Jewish homelands in places other than Palestine. Herzl's Der Judenstaat argued for a Jewish state in either Palestine, "our ever-memorable historic home", or Argentina, "one of the most fertile countries in the world". In 1903 British cabinet ministers suggested the British Uganda Program, land for a Jewish state in "Uganda" (actually in modern Kenya). Herzl initially rejected the idea, preferring Palestine, but after the April 1903 Kishinev pogrom Herzl introduced a controversial proposal to the Sixth Zionist Congress to investigate the offer as a temporary measure for Russian Jews in danger. Notwithstanding its emergency and temporary nature, the proposal still proved very divisive, and widespread opposition to the plan was fueled by a walkout led by the Russian Jewish delegation to the Congress. Nevertheless, a majority voted to establish a committee for the investigation of the possibility, and it was not dismissed until the 7th Zionist Congress in 1905.

In response to this, the Jewish Territorialist Organization led by Israel Zangwill split off from the main Zionist movement. The territorialists attempted to establish a Jewish homeland wherever possible, but went into decline after 1917 and were dissolved in 1925. From that time Palestine was the sole focus of Zionist aspirations. 很少犹太人把苏联在远东建立的犹太自治州严肃看待。

One of the major motivations for 錫安主義 was the belief that the Jews needed to return to their historic homeland, not just as a refuge from anti-Semitism, but also to govern themselves as an independent nation. Some Zionists, mainly socialist Zionists, believed that the Jews' centuries of being oppressed in anti-Semitic societies had reduced Jews to a meek, vulnerable, despairing existence which invited further anti-Semitism. They argued that Jews should redeem themselves from their history by becoming farmers, workers, and soldiers in a country of their own. These socialist Zionists generally rejected religion as perpetuating a "Diaspora mentality" among the Jewish people.

One such Zionist ideologue, Ber Borochov, continuing from the work of Moses Hess, proposed the creation of a socialist society that would correct the "inverted pyramid," of Jewish society. Borochov believed that Jews were forced out of normal occupations by gentile hostility and competition, explaining why there was a relative predominance of Jewish professionals, rather than workers. Jewish society would not be healthy until the inverted pyramid was righted, and the majority of Jews became workers and peasants again. This could only be accomplished by Jews in their own country. Another, A. D. Gordon, was influenced by the völkisch ideas of European romantic nationalism, and proposed establishing a society of Jewish peasants. Gordon made a religion of work. These two thinkers, and others like them, motivated the establishment of the first Jewish collective settlement, or kibbutz, Deganiah, on the southern shore of the Sea of Galilee, in 1909 (the same year that the city of Tel Aviv was established). Deganiah, and many other kibbutzim that were soon to follow, attempted to realise these thinkers' vision by creating a communal villages, where newly arrived European Jews would be taught agriculture and other manual skills.

Another aspect of this strategy was the revival and fostering of an "indigenous" Jewish culture and the Hebrew language. One early Zionist thinker, Asher Ginsberg, better known by his penname Ahad Ha'am ("One of the People") rejected what he regarded as the over-emphasis of political 錫安主義 on statehood, at the expense of the revival of Hebrew culture. Ahad Ha'am recognised that the effort to achieve independence in Palestine would bring Jews into conflict with the native Palestinian Arab population, as well as with the Ottomans and European colonial powers then eying the country. Instead, he proposed that the emphasis of the Zionist movement shift to efforts to revive the Hebrew language and create a new culture, free from Diaspora influences, that would unite Jews and serve as a common denominator between diverse Jewish communities once independence was achieved.

The most prominent follower of this idea was Eliezer Ben Yehudah, a linguist intent on reviving Hebrew as a spoken language among Jews (see History of the Hebrew language). Most European Jews in the 19th century spoke Yiddish, a language based on mediaeval German, but as of the 1880s, Ben Yehudah and his supporters began promoting the use and teaching of a modernised form of biblical Hebrew, which had not been a living language for nearly 2,000 years. Despite Herzl's efforts to have German proclaimed the official language of the Zionist movement, the use of Hebrew was adopted as official policy by Zionist organisations in Palestine, and served as an important unifying force among the Jewish settlers, many of whom also took new Hebrew names.

The development of the first Hebrew-speaking city (特拉维夫), the kibbutz movement, and other Jewish economic institutions, plus the use of Hebrew, began by the 1920s to lay the foundations of a new nationality, which would come into formal existence in 1948. Meanwhile, other cultural Zionists attempted to create new Jewish artforms, including graphic arts. (Boris Schatz, a Bulgarian artist, founded the Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem in 1906.) Others, such as dancer and artist Baruch Agadati, fostered popular festivals such as the Adloyada carnival on Purim.

The Zionist leaders always saw 英国 as a key potential ally in the struggle for a Jewish homeland. Not only was Britain the world's greatest imperial power; it was also a country where Jews lived in peace and security, among them influential political and cultural leaders, such as 本杰明·迪斯雷利 and Walter, Lord Rothschild. There was also a peculiar streak of philo-Semitism among the classically educated British elite to which the Zionist leaders hoped to appeal, just as the Greek independence movement had appealed to British phil-Hellenism during the Greek War of Independence. 哈伊姆·魏茨曼, who became the leader of the Zionist movement after Herzl's death in 1904, was a professor at a British university, and used his extensive contacts to lobby the British government for a statement in support of Zionist aspirations.

This hope was realised in 1917, when the 外務及英聯邦事務大臣亚瑟·贝尔福, made his famous 贝尔福宣言 in favour of "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people". Balfour was motivated partly by philo-Semitic sentiment, partly by a desire to weaken the 奥托曼帝国 (an ally of Germany during the 第一次世界大战), and partly by a desire to strengthen support for the Allied cause in the 美国, home to the world's most influental Jewish community. In the Declaration, however, Balfour was careful to use the word "home" rather than "state," and also to specify that its establishment must not "prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine."

[编辑] 猶太人對錫安主義的反應

Support for the Zionist movement was not initially a mainstream position in the world Jewish community, and it was actively opposed by many Jewish organizations. While traditional 犹太教 held that Eretz Yisrael (the Land of Israel) was given to the ancient Israelites by God, and that therefore the right of the Jews to that land was permanent and inalienable, most Orthodox groups held that the Messiah must appear before Israel could return to Jewish control, and Reform Judaism (prior to 猶太人大屠殺) explicitly rejected 錫安主義. Still, return to the Land of Israel had remained a recurring theme among generations of diaspora Jews, particularly in Passover and Yom Kippur prayers which traditionally concluded with, "Next year in Jerusalem."

To religious Jews, Aliyah, or emigration to Israel, has always been considered by rabbinic 犹太教 to be a praiseworthy and mandatory act for Jews according to halakha. Aliyah is included in most versions of the 613 commandments, although not in the widely used version of Maimonides. Maimonides' other writings, however, indicate that he considered return to the Land of Israel a matter of extreme importance for Jews.

From the Middle Ages and onwards a number of prominent Jews (e.g. Nahmanides) and groups (e.g. the students of the Vilna Gaon) emigrated to Israel. Despite this, most Jewish religious leaders were opposed to 錫安主義 before the 1930s. The secular, socialist language used by many pioneer Zionists was contrary to the outlook of most religious Jewish communities, and many religious organisations opposed it, both on the grounds that it was a secular movement, and on the grounds that any attempt to re-establish Jewish rule in Israel by human agency was blasphemous, since (in their view) only the Messiah could accomplish this. There was, however, a small but vocal group of religious Jews that began to develop the concept of Religious 錫安主義 in the 1920s and 1930s under such leaders as Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook (the Chief Rabbi of Palestine) and his son Zevi Judah, and gained substantial following during the latter half of the 20th century. Only the desperate circumstances of the 1930s and 1940s converted most (though not all) of these communities to 錫安主義.

Secular Jewish opinion was also ambivalent in its attitudes to 錫安主義. Many argued that Jews should join with other progressive forces in bringing about changes which would eradicate anti-Semitism and make it possible for Jews to live in safety in the various countries where they lived. Before the 1930s, many Jews believed that 社会主义 offered a better strategy for improving the lot of 阿肯納西猶太人. In the 美国, most Jews embraced the liberalism of their adopted country. In the United States, for example, there were only 12,000 members of Zionist organizations in 1912, out of a Jewish population of 3 million. By 1940, however, there were 171,000 members of Zionist organizations, and by 1942, 80% of American Jews surveyed agreed that a homeland in Palestine was required. ^[3]

The chain of events between 1881 and 1945, however, beginning with waves of anti-Semitic pogroms in 俄国 and the Russian-controlled areas of Poland, and culminating in 猶太人大屠殺, converted the great majority of surviving Jews to the belief that a Jewish homeland was an urgent necessity, particularly given the large population of disenfranchised Jewish refugees after World War II. Most also became convinced that Palestine was the only location that was both acceptable to all strands of Jewish thought and within the realms of practical possibility. This led to the great majority of Jews supporting the struggle between 1945 and 1948 to establish the State of Israel, though many did not condone violent tactics used by some Zionist groups.

[编辑] 鍚安主義與阿拉伯穆斯林及阿拉伯基督徒

大部份的阿拉伯 穆斯林和基督徒社會拒絕了猶太人的想法，因為從一個歷史角度來看，制服少數民族 ，能夠把他們同化至穆斯林社區could be integrated into 穆斯林 society outside of a dhimmi status. Unlike the Jewish emancipation as a product of the Age of Enlightenment in Christendom, 阿拉伯穆斯林 society fought to maintain the Jews' traditional role in their societies. Furthermore, the notion of Jewish self-rule was a complete anathema to 穆斯林 that viewed the land of Israel as Dar al-Islam.

Outside of Jerusalem, Safed, and Tiberias, Arabs and/or 穆斯林s constituted the overwhelming majority of the population. The early Zionists were well aware of this, but believed that the inhabitants could only benefit from Jewish immigration. This attitude resulted in the Arab presence being ignored, as in famous slogan "A land without a people, for a people without a land" that is often attributed to Israel Zangwill, but in its original form "A country without a nation for a nation without a country" was penned by Lord Shaftesbury.^[4] Generally such statements were propaganda invented by leaders who did not foresee the subsequent conflict with the Arabs and thought of them as allies against the big empires whom they viewed as the main obstacle. Agreements with the Ottoman authorities, or with Arab rulers outside Palestine were their main concern and concerns of the local Arabs were overlooked.^{[來源請求]}

One of the earlier Zionists to warn against these ideas was Ahad Ha'am, who warned in his 1891 essay "Truth from Eretz Israel" that in Palestine "it is hard to find tillable land that is not already tilled", and moreover,

From abroad we are accustomed to believing that the Arabs are all desert savages, like donkeys, who neither see nor understand what goes on around them. But this is a big mistake... The Arabs, and especially those in the cities, understand our deeds and our desires in Eretz Israel, but they keep quiet and pretend not to understand, since they do not see our present activities as a threat to their future... However, if the time comes when the life of our people in Eretz Israel develops to the point of encroaching upon the native population, they will not easily yield their place.

Though there had already been Arab protests to the Ottoman authorities in the 1880s against land sales to foreign Jews, the most serious opposition began in the 1890s after the full scope of the Zionist enterprise became known. This opposition did not arise out of Palestinian nationalism, which was in its infancy at the time, but out of a sense of threat to the livelihood of the Arabs. This sense was heightened in the early years of the 20th century by the Zionist attempts to develop an economy in which Arabs were largely redundant, such as the "Hebrew labor" movement that campaigned against the employment of Arabs. The severing of Palestine from the rest of the Arab world in 1918 and the 贝尔福宣言 were seen by the Arabs as proof that their fears were coming to fruition.

A wide range of opinion could be found among Zionist leaders after 1920. However, the division between these camps did not match the main threads in Zionist politics so cleanly as is often portrayed. To take an example, the leader of the Revisionist Zionists, Vladimir Jabotinsky, is often presented as having had an extreme pro-expulsion view but the proofs offered for this are rather thin. According to Jabotinsky's Iron Wall (1923), an agreement with the Arabs was impossible, since they

look upon Palestine with the same instinctive love and true fervor that any Aztec looked upon his Mexico or any Sioux looked upon his prairie. To think that the Arabs will voluntarily consent to the realization of 錫安主義 in return for the cultural and economic benefits we can bestow on them is infantile.

The solution, according to Jabotinsky, was not expulsion (which he was "prepared to swear, for us and our descendants, that we will never [do]") but to impose the Jewish presence on the Arabs by force of arms until eventually they came to accept it. Only late in his life did Jabotinsky speak of the desirability of Arab emigration though still without unequivocally advocating an expulsion policy. After the World Zionist Organization rejected Jabotinsky's proposals, he resigned from the organization and founded the New Zionist Organization in 1933 to promote his views and work independently for immigration and the establishment of a state. The NZO rejoined the WZO in 1951.

The situation with socialist Zionists such as David Ben-Gurion was also ambiguous. In public Ben-Gurion upheld the official position of his party that denied the necessity of force in achieving Zionist goals. The argument was based on the denial of a unique Palestinian identity coupled with the belief that eventually the Arabs would realise that 錫安主義 was to their advantage. Privately, however, Ben-Gurion believed that the Arab opposition amounted to a total rejection of 錫安主義 grounded in fundamental principle, and that a confrontation was unavoidable. In 1937, Ben-Gurion and almost all of his party leadership supported a British proposal to create a small Jewish state from which the Arabs had been removed by force. The British plan was soon shelved, but the idea of a Jewish state with a minimal population of Arabs remained an important thread in Labour Zionist thought throughout the remaining period until the creation of Israel.

The attitude of the Zionist leaders towards the Arab population of Palestine in the lead-up to the 1948 conflict is one of the most hotly debated issues in Zionist history. This article does not cover it; see The Great Arab Revolt of 1936 - 1939, Israel-Palestinian conflict, and the Palestinian exodus for more information on this.

[编辑] 為巴勒斯坦而戰

1918年奧圖曼帝國瓦解，巴勒斯坦不再受制，猶太復國運動進入嶄新的局面。首先擴大在巴勒斯坦的猶太屯墾區，開始國家公共基礎建設和籌募建設基金，並且勸阻 — 或說迫使 — 英國當局不可採取任何將導致巴勒斯坦地區成為阿拉伯人佔多數的動作。1920年代猶太人口穩定成長，猶太建制亦具國家雛形, 但同時巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族主義的興起，對猶太人移入的抵制升高。

國際間猶太人對錫安主義仍存在意見分歧。許多在歐洲和美國的猶太人認為並不需要有一個「猶太故土」，因為即使不支持錫安主義，猶太人一樣能以平等公民身分居住於西方民主國家。

Albert Einstein was one of the prominent supporters of 錫安主義, and was active in the establishment of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, which published in 1930 a volume titled About Zionism: Speeches and Lectures by Professor Albert Einstein, and to which Einstein bequeathed his papers. However, he opposed nationalism and expressed skepticism about whether a Jewish nation-state was the best solution. He said: "I am afraid of the inner damage Judaism will sustain, especially from the development of a narrow nationalism within our own ranks."

Many Jews who embraced socialism and proletarian internationalism opposed 錫安主義 as a form of bourgeois nationalism. The General Jewish Labor Union (Bund), which represented socialist Jews in eastern Europe, was anti-Zionist. Some Jewish factions tried to blend Jewish Autonomism with 錫安主義, favoring Jewish self-rule in the diaspora until diaspora Jews make aliyah.

The Communist parties, which attracted substantial Jewish support during the 1920s and 1930s, were even more virulently internationalist and therefore anti-Zionist, if one defines 錫安主義 as the advocacy of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. During this time the Soviet OZET/Komzet actively promoted an alternative Jewish homeland — the Jewish Autonomous Oblast with its capital in Birobidzhan set up in the Russian Far East.

At the other extreme, some American Jews went so far as to say that the United States was Zion, and the successful absorption of two million Jewish immigrants in the 30 years before World War I lent force to this argument. Some American Jewish socialists supported the Birobidzhan experiment, and a few even migrated there during the Great Depression.

The rise to power of Adolf Hitler in Germany in 1933 produced a powerful new impetus for 錫安主義. Not only did it create a flood of Jewish refugees but it undermined the faith of Jews that they could live in security as minorities in non-Jewish societies. Some Zionists allegedly supported the rise of the Nazi party, recognising that it would increase the possibility of a Jewish state. It is claimed by Marxist author Lenni Brenner that The Zionist Federation of Germany even sent Hitler a letter calling for collaboration in 1933; however the strongly anti-Semitic Nazis rejected the offer and later abolished the organisation in 1938. Jewish opinion began to shift in favour of 錫安主義, and pressure for more Jewish immigration to Palestine increased. But the more Jews settled in Palestine, the more aroused Palestinian Arab opinion became, and the more difficult the situation became in Palestine. In 1936 serious Arab rioting broke out, and in response the British authorities held the unsuccessful St. James Conference and issued the MacDonald White Paper of 1939, severely restricting further Jewish immigration.

The Jewish community in Palestine responded by organising armed forces, based on smaller units developed to defend remote agricultural settlements. Two military movements were founded, the Labor-dominated Haganah and the Revisionist Irgun. The latter group did not hesitate to take military action against the Arab population. With the advent of World War II, both groups decided that defeating Hitler took priority over the fight against the British. However, attacks against British targets were recommenced in 1940 by a splinter group of the Irgun, later known as Lehi, and in 1944 by the Irgun itself.

The revelation of the fate of six million European Jews murdered during 猶太人大屠殺 had several consequences. Firstly, it left hundreds of thousands of Jewish refugees (or displaced persons) in camps in Europe, unable or unwilling to return to homes in countries which they felt had betrayed them to the Nazis. Not all of these refugees wanted to go to Palestine, and in fact many of them eventually went to other countries, but large numbers of them did, and they resorted to increasingly desperate measures to get there, over 250,000 were smuggled out of Europe by an organization called Berihah.

Secondly, it evoked a world-wide feeling of sympathy with the Jewish people, mingled with guilt that more had not been done to deter Hitler's aggressions before the war, or to help Jews escape from Europe during its course. This was particularly the case in the United States, whose federal government had halted Jewish immigration during the war. Among those who became strong supporters of the Zionist ideal was President Harry S. Truman, who overrode considerable opposition in his State Department and used the great power of his position to mobilise support at the United Nations for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, although he expressed very negative views of Jews in his diaries, and had, in a letter written years before he entered the White House, referred to New York City as "kike town".^[5][6] Since Britain was desperate to withdraw from Palestine, Truman's efforts were the crucial factor in the creation of Israel. This also corresponded with the Soviet effort to establish their influence in the Middle East. During the 1947 UN Partition Plan debate on May 14, 1947, the Soviet ambassador Gromyko announced:

"As we know, the aspirations of a considerable part of the Jewish people are linked with the problem of Palestine and of its future administration. This fact scarcely requires proof... During the last war, the Jewish people underwent exceptional sorrow and suffering... The United Nations cannot and must not regard this situation with indifference, since this would be incompatible with the high principles proclaimed in its Charter... The fact that no Western European State has been able to ensure the defence of the elementary rights of the Jewish people and to safeguard it against the violence of the fascist executioners explains the aspirations of the Jews to establish their own State. It would be unjust not to take this into consideration and to deny the right of the Jewish people to realize this aspiration."^[7]

Thirdly, it swung world Jewish opinion almost unanimously behind the project of a Jewish state in Palestine, and within Palestine it led to a greater resolution to use force to achieve that objective. American Reform Judaism was among the elements of Jewish thought which changed their opinions about 錫安主義 after 猶太人大屠殺. The proposition that Jews could live in peace and security in non-Jewish societies was certainly a difficult one to defend in 1945, although it is one of the ironies of Zionist history that in the decades since World War II anti-Semitism has greatly declined as a serious political force in most western countries, though it increased greatly in Middle Eastern countries.

[编辑] 犹太复国主义和以色列

1947年英国宣布了他们从巴勒斯坦撤出的愿望，然后在同年的11月29日，联合国大会投票通过了一项将巴勒斯坦分割成一个阿拉伯国家和一个犹太国的议案（耶路撒冷成为国际领土）。在巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯人和犹太人之间马上爆发了内战。1948年5月14日巴勒斯坦的犹太人领导人宣布独立，从而建立了以色列国。这在犹太复国主义运动历史中标志着一个重要的转折点，因为运动的主要目标已经达成了。许多犹太复国主义组织采用了新方针，而那三个军事组织也组合而成了以色列国防军。

在独立战争时期，大多数阿拉伯人口或是逃离了巴勒斯坦，或是被驱逐出境，所以犹太人在1948年停火线中的地区人口中占多数。直到1967年以前，这停火线变成了以色列实际上的边境。1950年以色列国会通过了回归法令，给所有犹太人移民到以色列的权利。这法令，和从欧洲来的犹太难民潮与之后的被阿拉伯国家驱逐出境的犹太人潮一起导致以色列的人口变为犹太人占了绝大多数，而且这个变化看起来是永久的。

Since 1948 the international Zionist movement has undertaken a variety of roles in support of Israel. These have included the encouragement of immigration, assisting the absorption and integration of immigrants, fundraising on behalf of settlement and development projects in Israel, the encouragement of private capital investment in Israel, and mobilisation of world public opinion in support of Israel.

The 1967 war between Israel and the Arab states (the "六日战争") marked a major turning point in the history of Israel and of 錫安主義. Israeli forces captured the eastern half of Jerusalem, including the holiest of Jewish religious sites, the Western Wall of the ancient Temple. They also took over the remaining territories of pre-1948 Palestine, the 約旦河西岸地區 and the 加沙地带 (from Egypt). Religious Jews regarded the 約旦河西岸地區 (ancient Judaea and Samaria) as an integral part of Eretz Israel, and within Israel voices of the political Right soon began to argue that these territories should be permanently retained. Zionist groups began to build Jewish settlements in the territories as a means of establishing "facts on the ground" that would make an Israeli withdrawal impossible.

1968年世界犹太复国主义大会采用了以下的准则：

• 犹太人的团结与以色列在犹太生活中的中心地位，
• 犹太人从所有国家移民到祖先的土地——以色列地区，
• 在“预言的正义与和平”之下的以色列国的富强，
• 通过犹太、希伯莱与犹太复国主义教育和强化犹太的文化价值观与精神价值观而保存犹太人的身份，和
• 在所有地区对犹太人权的保护。

Control of the 約旦河西岸地區 and 加沙地带 placed Israel in the position of control over a large population of Palestinian Arabs. Whether or not there had been a distinct Palestinian national identity in the 1920s may be debated, but there is no doubt that by the 1960s such an identity was firmly established — the founders of 錫安主義 had thus, ironically, created two new nationalities, Israeli and Palestinian, instead of one.

The faith of the Palestinians in the willingness and ability of the Arab states to defeat Israel and return Palestine to Arab rule was destroyed by the war, and the death of the most militant and popular Arab leader, 埃及的纳赛尔, in 1970 reinforced the belief of Palestinians that they had been abandoned. The 巴勒斯坦解放組織, created in 1964 after a proposal by Nasser at the first 阿拉伯国家联盟峰会, took on new life as an autonomous movement led by 亚西尔·阿拉法特, and soon turned to 恐怖主义 as its principal means of struggle.

From this point the history of Israel and the Palestinians can be followed in the article 以巴冲突.

In 1975 the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379 was passed. It stated that "錫安主義 is a form of racism and racial discrimination"^[8] The resolution 3379 was rescinded in 1991 by the Resolution 4686^[9]. This issue is discussed in length in the article on anti-Zionism.

Since 1948 most Jews have continued to identify as Zionists, in the sense that they support the State of Israel even if they do not choose to live there. This worldwide support has been of vital importance to Israel, both politically and financially. This has been particularly true since 1967, as the rise of Palestinian nationalism and the resulting political and military struggles have eroded sympathy for Israel among non-Jews, at least outside the 美国. In recent years, many Jews have criticised the morality and expediency of Israel's continued control of the territories captured in 1967.

[编辑] 反錫安主義和錫安宣言

More than 50 years after the founding of the State of Israel, and after more than 80 years of Arab-Jewish conflict over Israel, the 約旦河西岸地區 and the 加沙地带, some groups have misgivings about current Israeli policies. The overwhelming majority of Jewish organizations and denominations are strongly pro-Zionist. Some liberal or socialist Jews, as well as some Orthodox Jewish communities (the most vocal and visible being the small Neturei Karta group), oppose 錫安主義 as a matter of principle. Well-known Jewish scholars and statesmen who have opposed 錫安主義 include Bruno Kreisky, Hans Fromm, and Michael Selzer. In the United States, a small number of Jewish intellectuals such as 乔姆斯基 and Norman Finkelstein oppose modern 錫安主義. Chomsky says he supports a Jewish homeland, but not a Jewish state, and claims that this view is consistent with the original meaning of 錫安主義.

Criticism of Israeli policies in the territories has become sharper since Ariel Sharon became prime minister of Israel. Some elements within Orthodox Judaism remain strongly anti-Zionist, while other mainstream Orthodox groups, such as the Agudat Israel, have changed their positions since 1948 and have reached a modus vivendi with the State of Israel. Others have often assumed right-wing stances regarding important political questions such as the peace process.

Among the important minority threads within 錫安主義 is one that holds Israelis to be a new nationality, not merely the representatives of world Jewry. The "Canaanite" or "Hebrew Renaissance" movement led by poet Yonatan Ratosh in the 1930s and 1940s was built on this idea. A modern movement based partly on the same idea is known as post-錫安主義. There is no agreement as to how this movement should be defined, nor even of who belongs to it, but the most common idea is that Israel should leave behind the concept of a "state of the Jewish people" and instead strive to be a state of all its citizens according to pluralistic democratic values. Many Israeli historians hold "Caananism" or "Pan-Semitism" as an aberration outside the bounds of 錫安主義. Self-identified post-Zionists differ on many important details, such as the status of the Law of Return. Critics tend to associate post-錫安主義 with anti-錫安主義 or 后现代主义, both of which claims are strenuously denied by proponents.

Another opinion favors a binational state in which Arabs and Jews live together while enjoying some type of autonomy. Variants of the idea were proposed by 哈伊姆·魏茨曼 in the 1930s and by the Ichud (Unity) group in the 1940s, which included such prominent figures as Judah Magnes (first dean of The Hebrew University) and Martin Buber. The emergence of Israel as a Jewish state with a small Arab minority made the idea irrelevant, but it was revived after the 1967 war left Israel in control of a large Arab population. Never more than the opinion of a small minority, the idea is nevertheless supported by a few prominent intellectuals such as Noam Chomsky, the late 爱德华·萨义德, and (since 2003) Meron Benvenisti. Opponents of a binational state argue that since Arabs, whose population growth rates are much higher than among Jews, would form the majority of the population in such a state, the Jewish character on which the state was founded would be lost and the Jewish population's existence threatened, as it was threatened under other Turkish and Arab regimes in the past. They also suggest that such a state is unlikely to remain a democracy for long, as all Arab countries today have either autocratic or 神權政治 governments.

Critics of 錫安主義 see the changes in demographic balance which created a Jewish state and displaced over 700,000 Arab refugees,^[10] and the methods used to cause this, as an inevitable consequence of 錫安主義. Critics also point to current inequities between Jews and Arabs in Israel, similarly viewing them as attributable to Zionist beliefs and ideologies. Some consider this ethnic and cultural discrimination to be a form of racism.

Defenders of 錫安主義 disagree with the identification of 錫安主義 with racism on a number of grounds; they state that the basis of the charge is too vague, as the views of Zionist groups differ widely from each other (see Types of 錫安主義). They also disagree on the basis that Palestinians and 犹太人 are not racially distinct from each other, and that Israeli Jews themselves are racially "mixed" (nearly half of Israel's Jews come from Arab countries, and there are also almost 100,000 black Jews from Ethiopia); thus even if 錫安主義 discriminates against Arabs, such discrimination cannot accurately be termed racist, but rather ethnic and/or cultural. They also argue that discrimination based on culture or ethnicity is a fact in almost all countries in the world, and that any discrimination in Israel, including discrimination between Jewish groups, is similarly based on such differences, and is not an inevitable consequence of 錫安主義. They also point at the fact that, unlike the situation in neighboring Arab countries, Arab citizens of Israel can vote in free elections, are represented in the Israeli parliament and enjoy a much higher standard of living than Arabs in Arab countries, and that most differences in income between Israeli Jews and Arabs have more to do with a difference in educational background than with actual discrimination, either by the government or by private actors.

[编辑] 非猶太人的錫安主義

[编辑] 國際對錫安主義的支持

国际联盟的《1922年巴勒斯坦托管方案》和联合国的《1947年巴勒斯坦分治方案》均赞同錫安主義目标。后者是美国和苏联在冷战时期罕有意见一致的产物。

[编辑] 基督教錫安主義

有一小部份的基督教鍚安主義者加入了錫安運動 According to Charles Merkley of Carleton University, Christian 錫安主義 strengthened significantly after the 1967 Six-Day War, and many Dispensationalist Christians, especially in the United States, now strongly support Jewish 錫安主義.

[编辑] 世俗化的左翼鍚安主義

錫安主義 was also supported by the political left at various times both before and after Israel's formation, in part due to sympathy for the Jews as an oppressed people and in part due to the strong 社会主义 roots of Labor 錫安主義. Since the 六日战争, however, the Palestinians have been gathering more sympathy as an oppressed people, and Israel has been moving away from the limited socialist policies it had originally adopted. This has led to a loss of support for 錫安主義 among the political left, especially in Europe. In the United States, Israel continues to find support from many liberals.

[编辑] 參見

1. ↑ The Jewish Diaspora in the Hellenistic Period
2. ↑ See the section "Becomes Leader of the Zionists" in the entry for Theodor Herzl, and the discussion section of the Dreyfus Affair for more detail.
3. ↑ Stork and Rose, 1974
4. ↑ British Support for Jewish Restoration (mideastweb.org)
5. ↑ A newly discovered diary of Harry S Truman
6. ↑ Harry Truman's Forgotten Diary. 1947 Writings Offer Fresh Insight on the President By Rebecca Dana and Peter Carlson. Washington Post. July 11, 2003. Page A01
7. ↑ UN Debate Regarding the Special Committee on Palestine: Gromyko Statement. 14 May 1947 77th Plenary Meeting Document A/2/PV.77
8. ↑ The UNGA Res 3379 was passed at the 2400th plenary meeting on 10 November 1975. (PDF).
9. ↑ The UNGA resolution 4686 was passed at the 74th plenary meeting on 16 December 1991 by a vote of 111-25-13. The text of the resolution is available here.
10. ↑ The U.N.'s final estimate of the total number of Palestinian Refugees was 711,000 according to the General Progress Report and Supplementary Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine, Covering the Period from 11 December 1949 to 23 October 1950, published by the United Nations Conciliation Commission, October 23, 1950. (U.N. General Assembly Official Records, 5th Session, Supplement No. 18, Document A/1367/Rev.1)

[编辑] 其他

[编辑] 有關錫安主義的條目

• General Zionism
• Labour 錫安主義
• Reform 錫安主義
• Religious 錫安主義
• Revisionist 錫安主義
• Christian 錫安主義

[编辑] 錫安主義者的組織和機構

• Histadrut
• Vaad Leumi
• The Jewish Agency
• World Zionist Organization

[编辑] 鍚安主義和以色列的歷史

• History of Israel
• History of Palestine
• Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
• List of prominent Zionist figures
• Timeline of 錫安主義

[编辑] 其他

• Guardian of Zion Award
• Jewish Emancipation
• Jewish Autonomism
• Palestinophilia

[编辑] 參考資料

• Arthur Hertzberg (ed.), Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis & Reader, MacMillan, 1972, trade paperback, ISBN 0689700938; Jewish Publication Society, 1997, trade paperback, 656 pages, ISBN 0827606222; Greenwood Publishing Group, 1970, hardcover, ISBN 0837125650.
• A. Dershowitz, The Case for Israel, Wiley, 2003 ISBN 0-471-46502-X.
• E. Nimni (ed.), The Challenge of Post-Zionism, Zed Books, 2003 ISBN 185649893X.
• J. Reinharz and A. Shapira (ed.), Essential Papers on Zionism, New York University Press, 1996 ISBN 0814774490.
• J. Mandel, The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, University of California Press, 1976.
• Z. Sternhell, The Founding Myths of Israel – Nationalism, Socialism, and the making of the Jewish State, Princeton University Press, 1998 ISBN 1400807743.
• G. Shafir, Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, University of California Press, 1996 ISBN 0520204018.
• K. Armstrong, The Battle for God, Ballantine Books, 2001. ISBN 0345391691.
• Stephen Sizer. Christian Zionism: Road map to Armageddon? (InterVarsity Press: 2004) - Very in-depth analysis of the historical, theological and political claims and influences of the movement.
• Lawrence Jeffrey Epstein. Zion’s call: Christian contributions to the origins and development of Israel (Lanham : University Press of America, 1984)
• Michael J. Pragai. Faith and fulfilment: Christians and the return to the Promised Land (London, England : Vallentine, Mitchell, 1985)
• Irvine H. Anderson. Biblical interpretation and Middle East policy : the promised land, America, and Israel, 1917-2002 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005)
• Paul Charles Merkley. The Politics of Christian Zionism 1891 – 1948 (London: Frank Cass, 1998)
• Gorenberg, Gershom. The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount (New York: The Free Press, 2000).
• Boyer, Paul. "John Darby Meets Saddam Hussein: Foreign Policy and Bible Prophecy," Chronicle of Higher Education, supplement, February 14 2003, pp. B 10-B11.
• Sholom Aleichem. Why Do the Jews Need a Land of Their own?, 1898
• Selig Adler & Thomas E. Connolly. From Ararat to Suburbia: the History of the Jewish Community of Buffalo (Philadelphia: the Jewish Publication Society of America, 1960, Library of Congress Number 60-15834).

[编辑] 外部連結

• New Age Zionism: Holding On as the World Turns — Arthur Hertzberg's January 1 1998 article
• Encyclopedia article on Zionism ca 1905
• "Zionism" — from the Jewish Virtual Library
• "Centenary of Zionism" from the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs
• The Jewish Agency for Israel — The Department for Zionist Education
• Home page of the Ameinu Progressive Zionist Movement
• Homepage of the "American Zionist Movement"
• Homepage of the Zionist Organization of America
• Homepage of the World Zionist Organization
• Zionism on the Web
• "A Historical Look at Religious Zionism" by Dan Michman
• A history of Zionism and the creation of Israel
• Definition and early history of Zionism
• Zionism: Historical Source Documents and texts
• Zionism and Israel Information Center - History, biographies, maps, photos, news and views about Zionism and anti-Zionism

[编辑] 猶太教各宗派對錫安主義的看法

• Association of Reform Zionists of America
• A Statement of Principles for Reform Judaism — 1999 — Central Conference of American Rabbis (Reform)
• Women of Reform Judaism resolution: Reform Judaism and Zionism
• Conservative Judaism and Zionism
• MERCAZ USA (Zionist membership organization of the Conservative Movement)
• Salvational Zionism and Religious Naturalism in the Thought of Mordecai M. Kaplan (Explains the Zionist thought of the founder of Reconstructionist Judaism)
• Modern Orthodox Zionism