爱尔兰内战

维基百科，自由的百科全书

爱尔兰内战
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日期： 1922年6月28日 – 1923年5月24日{处决与死刑在1923年5月后仍然继续-直到1924年11月8日才宣布大赦) 位置： 爱尔兰 結果： 爱尔兰自由邦的确立和反条约共和军部队的战败 起因： 是否接受英爱条约 領土變更： {{{territory}}}
參戰者
爱尔兰国民军 (赞成条约)	爱尔兰共和军 (反条约派)
指揮官
迈克尔·柯林斯† 理查德·穆尔卡希	廉姆·林奇(Liam Lynch)† 弗兰克·艾肯(Frank Aiken)
兵力
爱尔兰陆军战争结束前约55,000人, 3500名军官	约15,000名反对条约的共和军志愿者
傷亡
约800名爱尔兰陆军死亡（平民死亡数量不明，仅在都柏林战斗中就有250人死亡） 爱尔兰警察死亡3人	不明数量的爱尔兰共和军，死亡约2000-3000（包括77人被公开处决），12000人被捕。

爱尔兰内战(英语：-{Irish Civil War}-，爱尔兰语：-{Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann}-)(1922年6月28日-1923年5月24日)是一场1921年12月6日签署的，建立了爱尔兰自由邦——今天的爱尔兰共和国的前身——的英爱条约的支持者与反对者之间的冲突。条约的反对者反对保留英国与爱尔兰之间的宪政联系和北爱尔兰六郡未被包括于自由邦之内。内战伤亡远大于之前的英爱战争，并在爱尔兰社会留下深刻裂痕。它对今日爱尔兰政治的影响仍显而易见。

目录 1 背景 1.1 条约 1.2 民族主义运动的分裂 2 战争进程 2.1 都柏林战役 2.2 反抗武装 2.3 自由邦夺取主要城市 2.4 暴行、处决和战争的结束 2.5 对前保皇派的袭击 3 代价与结局 4 注释 5 资料来源 6 外部链接

[编辑] 背景

[编辑] 条约

英爱条约产生于爱尔兰分离主义分子（组织了非法的爱尔兰共和国）与英国政府之间的英爱战争（或“爱尔兰独立战争”）（1919-1921）。条约规定成立自治的爱尔兰国家，控制爱尔兰大部分人口与土地，拥有自己的军队和警察。但是，它规定这个国家正如加拿大和澳大利亚一样，是英帝国中的一个自治領，英国君主作为国家元首，而不是像大多数民族主义者推崇的独立的共和国。条约也规定新的爱尔兰议会的成员必须宣读如下的“效忠誓词”

“我……庄严宣誓诚心信服与效忠依法成立之爱尔兰自由邦宪法，依照爱尔兰一般公民之职责，与大不列颠及其依附与加入之大英国家联邦之组成国家，忠于国王乔治五世陛下及其子嗣和合法继承人。”^[1]

该誓词引起许多爱尔兰共和派分子强烈反对。在条约之下新的国家不是被称作共和国而是一个“自由邦”，并且只包括爱尔兰西部与南部的26郡。剩下的六郡作为北爱尔兰仍然留在联合王国内。另外，几个战略港口仍然被皇家海军占领。 虽然如此，领导爱尔兰谈判团的共和派领导人迈克尔·柯林斯，劝说道，条约“没有给予所有民族渴望和追求的最根本的自由，而是实现自由的自由”。之后的事件最终证明他是对的，自由邦后来演变成为了一个独立的共和国。但是，1922年时反条约斗士们相信条约永远不会导致爱尔兰的完全独立。

[编辑] 民族主义运动的分裂

参见: 共和军与英爱条约

在条约问题上的分裂是非常个人化的。双方的领导者们在独立战争中曾经是密友与同志，这使得他们为之丧命的意见不和更加痛苦。迈克尔·柯林斯觉得埃蒙·德瓦莱拉派他当全权代表进行条约谈判，是因为他知道英国人不会在独立的爱尔兰共和国上让步，他要柯林斯承担接受妥协方案的指责。于是当德瓦莱拉拒绝支持全权代表们与大卫·劳合·乔治和温斯顿·丘吉尔达成的协定时，柯林斯深深感到被出卖了。对德瓦莱拉来说，他对柯林斯与亚瑟·格里菲斯没有征求他和爱尔兰内阁的意见就签署条约感到震怒。

爱尔兰国会在1922年1月7日以64票对57票勉强通过了英爱条约。条约被批准之后，一个以迈克尔·柯林斯与亚瑟·格里菲斯为首的“临时政府”成立，用以将权力从英国政府移交到爱尔兰自由邦。

由于条约被批准埃蒙·德瓦莱拉辞去共和国总统职务，带领反对条约的新芬党派别离开国会。他挑战国会批准条约的权力，声称它的成员违背了他们对爱尔兰共和国的誓词。德瓦莱拉之后尝试改善妥协方案，使新的爱尔兰自由邦拥有与英联邦的“外部联系”，而不是它的成员。更严重的是，大部分爱尔兰共和军的军官也反对条约，并于1922年3月军队会议上宣布拒绝承认爱尔兰国会接受条约的权力。反条约共和军组建了他们自己的“军队执行会”(Army Executive)，并承认其为该国真正的政府。

但是，双方都想避免内战。柯林斯建立了一个“军队再统一委员会”(army re-unification committee)来重新统一共和军，并和德瓦莱拉的反条约政治追随者们订立了选举协定，共同计划在1922年自由邦的第一次大选中竞选，之后成立联合政府。他也尝试以同意新国家的共和式宪法(对英国君主一字不提)来换取与反条约共和军领袖们的妥协。共和军领袖们如廉姆·林奇已准备接受妥协。但是，共和派宪法因为违反条约条文被英国否决，英方威胁对自由邦实施贸易封锁，除非条约得到完全实施。柯林斯勉强同意。此举完全破坏了赞成与反对条约派别之间的选举协定，双方在1922年6月18日的爱尔兰大选中作为敌对党派参选，双方都自称为新芬党。赞成条约的新芬党以23 9193票对13 3864票战胜反条约新芬党。另有24 7226人投了其他党派的票，这些党派都是支持条约的。大选显示爱尔兰选民支持条约与爱尔兰自由邦的建立，以及新芬党已不能代表全体人民。但德瓦莱拉和他的政治追随者与大多数共和军继续反对条约。有人引述德瓦莱拉的话说：“多数人也没有权利做错事”。

同时在迈克尔·柯林斯与亚瑟·格里菲斯领导下，按照条约成立了临时政府以建立爱尔兰自由邦，并组建了代替爱尔兰共和军的爱尔兰国民军，和一支新的警察部队。但是，由于当初设想新的军队会以共和军为核心组建，反条约共和军部队被获准接管英国军营并接收武器。事实上这意味着至1922年夏，自由邦的临时政府只控制着都柏林和一些诸如朗福德这样共和军团体支持条约的地区。

战斗最终会在临时政府试图在遍布全国，装备良好与不愿妥协的反条约共和军中维护自身权威时爆发，特别是对都柏林的某一强硬团体而言。

[编辑] 战争进程

参见爱尔兰内战年表

[编辑] 都柏林战役

1922年4月，200名反条约共和军战士在罗里·欧康纳领导下，占领了都柏林的四法庭，造成了紧张的僵持局面。这些反条约共和派想要面对面与英军对抗，希望以此团结共和军的两大派别对抗共同敌人。但是对那些决心要使自由邦成为现实可行的自治爱尔兰国家的人来说，这是一次叛乱行为，不得不“由他们”而不是英国人来镇压。亚瑟·格里菲斯倾向于立即用武力解决，但迈克尔·柯林斯想要尽一切可能避免战争，并不去整治四法庭军营，直到1922年6月受到英方压力动手。

讽刺的是，英国人被柯林斯下令实施的行为搞得失去了耐心。他在伦敦暗杀了一名英国退休将领亨利·休·威尔逊，因为他负责北爱尔兰对天主教徒的攻击行动。^[2]

温斯顿·丘吉尔咬定反条约共和军对暗杀负责，并警告柯林斯他会使用英国部队进攻四法庭，除非自由邦采取行动。自由邦政府的最后希望在6月27日来到，四法庭的共和军营劫持了JJ·“生姜”·奥康奈尔(JJ "Ginger" O'Connell)，一名新成立的国民军将领。柯林斯在给予四法庭军营离开大楼的最后通牒后，决定结束僵持状态，用炮击四法庭军营使其投降。政府随后指定柯林斯为国民军总司令。这场袭击不是战争的第一枪，英军移交军营之时，全国各地在支持与反对条约的两派共和军之间已经冲突不断。但是这场战斗代表着“转折点”，双方全面宣战，内战正式爆发。

迈克尔·柯林斯接受英方提供的火炮供新的自由邦军队使用(虽然内维尔·麦克里迪(Nevil Macready)将军只交出了他在基尔曼哈姆(Kilmainham)的1 0000发炮弹中的200发)。四法庭的反条约部队只拥有轻武器，在两天的炮击和自由邦部队的冲锋(1922年6月28日-30日)后投降。激战直到7月5日仍在都柏林继续，奥斯卡·特雷纳领导的都柏林旅反条约共和军部队占领奥康奈尔大街(O'Connell St)，引起长达一周的巷战。这场战斗造成双方65死28伤。死者中包括共和派领导人卡哈尔·布鲁阿。另外，自由邦逮捕了500多名共和军。平民伤亡被认为超过250人。

都柏林的战斗停歇之时，自由邦政府已牢牢控制爱尔兰首都，反条约武装则分散至全国各地，主要在南部和西部。

[编辑] 反抗武装

内战的爆发迫使支持和反对条约者选边站。条约支持者被称为“条约赞成派”(pro-treaty)或“自由邦军”(Free State Army)，法律上称作“国民军”。反对者称作“反条约派”(anti-treaty)、“非正规军”(Irregulars)或“共和派”(Republicans)，而且继续自称为“共和军”。反条约共和军宣称它在保卫1916年复活节起义期间宣告成立，并被第一届爱尔兰国会确认，但之后被接受自由邦妥协者抛弃的爱尔兰共和国。埃蒙·德瓦莱拉宣称他会像一名普通共和军志愿者一样为国效劳，并将反条约共和派的领导权交给诸如共和军总参谋长廉姆·林奇这样的军事指挥官。

内战分裂了共和军。内战爆发时，反条约共和军（集中在南部和西部）数量上超过了支持自由邦的部队——大约1 5000人对7000人，即超过二比一。（有书面数据显示1922年早期共和军的实力超过7 2000人，但大多数人都是在对英停火期间招募的新兵，并没有在独立战争和内战中上过战场）。但是反条约共和军缺少有效的指挥体系，明确的战略和足够的武器。战争开始时他们只有6780条步枪和少数机枪。大多数战士仅装备猎枪。他们也从英军手中取得少数装甲车。更重要的是没有任何火炮。结果是在整场战争中他们一直被迫采取守势。

相反的，自由邦在战争开始之后飞速扩充部队。迈克尔·柯林斯和他的同僚们有能力建立一支能制服田野中的游击队的军队。英国补给的火炮、飞机、装甲车、机枪、轻武器和弹药对支持条约部队帮助极大。国民军至1922年8月达到1 4000人，1922年末达到3 8000强，至战争结束时已膨胀至5 5000人，3500名军官，远远超出爱尔兰自由邦和平时期所需支持之武装。柯林斯的最冷血的官兵来自他在爱尔兰独立战争中指挥的都柏林“现役部队”(Active Service Unit，共和军都柏林旅的精锐部队)，特别是他的暗杀“小队”。在国民军当中，他们被称作都柏林卫队。从战争开始到结束，这支部队卷入数起恶名远扬的对反条约游击队的施暴事件。多数国民军军官和士兵是支持条约的共和军人。但是新军队的许多新成员是一次大战中曾在英军中服役的失业老兵。前英军军官也被招募作为技术专家。共和派利用此事大肆宣传——宣称自由邦只是英国的代理人部队。但是实际上自由邦士兵中的大部分是新兵，没有在一次大战或爱尔兰独立战争中的任何军事经验。

[编辑] 自由邦夺取主要城市

都柏林落在支持条约派手中，而冲突则蔓延到全国。战争以反条约武装占领科克、利默里克和沃特福德自行宣布成立独立的“芒斯特共和国”为起点。但是，反条约一方的装备不足以发动常规战争。他们缺少炮兵和装甲部队，自由邦却可从英国获得。结果是廉姆·林奇不能够利用共和派初期在数量和领土上的优势。他仅仅希望“芒斯特共和国”支持足够久以迫使英国重新就条约进行谈判。

但是，爱尔兰的大城市全部在1922年8月比较轻松地被自由邦夺取。迈克尔·柯林斯，理查德·穆尔卡希和欧因·奥达菲策划了自由邦在全国范围内的攻势：派遣纵队从陆路夺取西部的利默里克和东南部的沃特福德，派部队从水路夺取南部的科克郡与凯瑞郡和西部的梅欧郡。利默里克7月20日陷落，沃特福德于同日陷落，科克市在自由邦在衢西市(Passage West)从海上登陆后于8月10日陷落。另一支去西部的梅欧郡的海上远征军使该地区重回政府掌控。某些地区共和派进行了坚决的抵抗，但是没有一处能够战胜装备炮兵和装甲部队的正规军。自由邦保卫战中只有一处进行了正规战斗，就是基尔马洛克战役，发生在自由邦部队从利默里克向南进军时。

政府在主要城市的胜利开始了一段非决定性的游击战时期。反条约共和军部队分散开来，坚持在诸如南部的科克郡和凯瑞郡西部、韦克斯福德郡东部和斯莱戈郡与梅欧郡这样的地区。零星战斗也在丹托克周围爆发，那里是弗兰克·艾肯和爱尔兰共和军第四北方师的基地所在。

战争断断续续进行了八个多月才结束。在爱尔兰独立战争中是盟友的领导者们被暗杀和处决给这段时期打上深深印记。总参谋长迈克尔·柯林斯在1922年8月一次反条约共和派的伏击中于科克郡家附近的花口村(-{Béal na mBláth}-)身亡^[3]。柯林斯的死使自由邦领导层对于共和派更加怀恨在心，很有可能导致了之后的冲突堕落为施暴与复仇的循环。亚瑟·格利菲斯，自由邦总统，也在十天前脑溢血而死，自由邦政府落到W.T.柯斯格雷夫手中，自由邦部队则归理查德·穆尔卡希将军指挥。

1922年10月，埃蒙·德瓦莱拉与反条约派议员建立了他们自己的“共和政府”作为自由邦之对立。但是，当时反条约一方已经要地尽失，德瓦莱拉的“政府”在民众中没有权威。无论怎样，共和军领导人对此不屑一顾，把自己的军事领导看成共和派的即存权威。

[编辑] 暴行、处决和战争的结束

The final phase of the Civil War degenerated into a series of atrocities that left a lasting legacy of bitterness in Irish politics. The Free State began executing republican prisoners on November the 17th 1922, when four IRA men were shot by firing squad. They were followed by on the 24th of November by acclaimed author and treaty negotiator Robert Erskine Childers. In all, the Free State sanctioned 77 official executions of Anti-Treaty prisoners during the civil war. The Anti-Treaty IRA in reprisal assassinated TD (member of Parliament) Sean Hales. On December the 7th 1922, the day after Hales' killing, four prominent Republicans (one from each province), who had been held since the first week of the war—Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows, Richard Barett and Joe McKelvey—were executed in revenge for the killing of Hales. In addition, Free State troops, particularly in County Kerry, where the guerrilla campaign was most bitter, began unofficial killings of captured Anti-Treaty fighters. The most notorious example of this occurred at Ballyseedy, where 9 Republican prisoners were tied to a landmine, which was exploded and the survivors were then machine-gunned.

The Anti-Treaty IRA were unable to maintain an effective guerrilla campaign, since the great majority of the Irish population did not support them. This was demonstrated in the elections immediately after the civil war, which Cumann na nGaedheal, the Free State party, won easily (See Irish general election, 1923 for the results). The Roman Catholic Church also supported the Free State, deeming it the lawful government of the country, denouncing the Anti-Treaty IRA and refusing to administer the Sacraments to Anti-Treaty fighters. On October 10th 1922, The Catholic Bishops of Ireland issued a formal statement, describing the anti treaty campaign as,

a system of murder and assassination of the National forces without any legitimate authority...the guerrilla warfare now being carried on [by] the Irregulars is without moral sanction and therefore the killing of National soldiers is murder before God, the seizing of public and private property is robbery, the breaking of roads, bridges and railways is criminal. All who in contravention of this teaching, participate in such crimes are guilty of grevious sins and may not be absolved in Confession nor admitted to the Holy Communion if they persist in such evil courses ^[4].

This stance would have influenced many Catholic Irish people at the time.

The lack of public support for the Anti-Treaty IRA, the determination of the government to defeat them and their lack of will all contributed to their defeat. By February 1923, republican leader Liam Deasy had already surrendered to Free State forces and called on other republicans to do the same. As the conflict petered out into a de facto victory for the pro-Treaty side, De Valera asked the IRA leadership to call a ceasefire, but they refused. Some historians suggest that the death of Liam Lynch, the intransigent Republican leader, in a skirmish in the Knockmealdown mountains in County Waterford on April 10th, allowed the more pragmatic Frank Aiken, who took over as IRA Chief of Staff, to call a halt to what seemed a futile struggle. Aiken's accession to IRA leadership was followed on the 30th of April by the declaration of a ceasefire on behalf of the anti-treaty forces. Aiken followed this on the 24th of May 1923 by an order to IRA volunteers to dump arms rather than surrender them or continue a fight which they were incapable of winning. Thousands of Anti-Treaty IRA members (including Eamon de Valera) were arrested by the Free State forces in the weeks after the end of the war, when they had dumped their arms and returned home.

[编辑] 对前保皇派的袭击

Although the cause of the civil war was the treaty, as the war developed the Republicans sought to identify their actions with the traditional republican cause of the "men of no property" and the result was that the war also saw large Anglo-Irish landowners, and some not very well-off Protestant Loyalists, attacked. A total of 192 "stately homes" of the old landed class were destroyed by republicans during the war (M.E Collins Ireland 1868-1966, p431). The stated reason for such attacks was that some landowners had become Free State Senators. This was the case, for instance, with Palmerstown House near Naas which belonged to the Earl of Mayo and to Moore Hall in Mayo, and the house of Oliver St John Gogarty. However, there were also other factors at work. Many, but not all of these people, had supported the Crown forces during the War of Independence. This support was often largely moral, but sometimes it took the form of actively assisting the British in the conflict. Such attacks should have ended with the Truce of 11 July 1921. However, in fact, they continued after the Truce and escalated during the civil war.

In addition, many of the Landlord class were the focus of rural class antagonism that had been simmering since the Land War of the 1880s. Though the Wyndham Act of 1903 allowed tenants to buy land from their landlords, much untenanted land remained and some republicans followed Michael Davitt's policy that all land should be made available to 'the nation'. This made the former landlords' post-independence situation difficult, and in the anarchy of the Civil War they became easy targets. Sometimes these attacks had sectarian overtones, although most anti-treaty IRA men made no distinction between Catholic and Protestant supporters of the Irish government. Many of these attacks are difficult to ascribe motives to. For instance, some apolitical "Anglo-Irish" Protestants like Horace Plunkett, who had helped to establish the rural co-operative schemes, had their property burnt out while, on the other hand, all the properties of the Guinness family (who were known to be unionists) properties were untouched. The Free State made efforts to protect Protestants and their property, most notably in County Louth, where a special police force was set up specifically for this purpose. Controversy continues to this day about the extent of intimidation of Protestants at this time, but many left Ireland during and after the civil war.

[编辑] 代价与结局

The Civil War, though short, was bloody. It cost the lives of many senior figures, including Michael Collins. Both sides carried out brutal acts: the anti-treaty forces murdered TDs (MPs) and burned many historic homes while the government executed anti-treaty prisoners, officially and unofficially. The pro-treaty National Army suffered 800 fatalities and perhaps as many as 4000 people were killed in total. In addition, about 12,000 Republicans were interned by the end of the Civil War, most of whom were not released until 1924. In October to November 1923, up to 8000 IRA prisoners went on hunger strike in protest at their continued detention.

However, it has also been argued that the human cost of the Irish Civil War could have been far worse than it actually was. The numbers killed were relatively modest by the standards of other contemporary civil wars - for example in Russia and Spain. Moreover, the new Police force, the Civic Guards, was not involved which meant that it was possible for the Free State to establish an unarmed and politically neutral police service after the war.

The fact that the Irish Civil War was fought between Irish Nationalist factions meant that the issue of Northern Ireland was ignored and Ireland was spared what could have been a far bloodier civil war based on ethnic and sectarian lines over the future of Ireland's six north-eastern counties. In fact, because of the Irish Civil War, Northern Ireland was able to consolidate its existence and partition of Ireland was confirmed for the foreseeable future. The war confirmed the northern unionists' existing prejudices against the ethos of all shades of nationalism. Collins, up to the outbreak of the civil war and possibly until his death, had been planning to launch a clandestine guerrilla campaign against the Northern state and was funnelling arms to the northern units of the IRA to this end. This may have led to open hostilities between North and South had the Irish Civil War not broken out. In the event, it was only well after their defeat in the Civil War that anti-treaty Irish Republicans seriously considered whether to take armed action against British rule in Northern Ireland (the first serious suggestion to do this came in the late 1930s). The northern units of the IRA largely supported the Free State side in the civil war due to Collins's policies and over 500 of them joined the new Free State's National Army.

As their forces abandoned their fixed positions in July-August 1922, the republicans burned many administrative buildings and businesses they had been occupying. In addition, their subsequent guerrilla campaign caused much destruction and the economy of the Free State suffered a hard blow in the earliest days of its existence as a result. The material damage caused by the war to property came to over £30 million. Particularly damaging to the Free State's economy was the systematic destruction of railway infrastructure and roads by the republicans. In addition, the cost to the Free State of waging the war came to another £17 million. The new State ended 1923 with a budget deficit of over £4 million ^[5].

This was a difficulty for the new Free State and affected the Boundary Commission negotiations which were settled in 1925. The Free State agreed to waive its claim to predominantly Nationalist areas in Northern Ireland and in return its agreed share of the Imperial debt under the 1921 Treaty was not paid.^[6]

In 1926, having failed to persuade the majority of the anti-treaty IRA or the anti-treaty party of Sinn Féin to accept the new status quo as a basis for an evolving Republic, a large faction led by De Valera and Aiken left to resume constitutional politics and to found the Fianna Fáil party. Whereas, Fianna Fail was to become the dominant party in Irish politics, Sinn Féin became a small, isolated political party. The IRA, then much more numerous and influential than Sinn Féin, remained associated with Fianna Fáil (though not directly) until banned by De Valera in 1935.

As with most civil wars, the internecine conflict left a bitter legacy, which continues to influence Irish politics to this day. The two largest political parties in the Republic are still Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, the descendants respectively of the anti-treaty and pro-treaty forces of 1922. Until the 1970s, almost all of Ireland's prominent politicians were veterans of the civil war, a fact which poisoned the relationship between Ireland's two biggest parties. Examples of Civil War veterans include: Eamon de Valera, Frank Aiken, Todd Andrews, Sean Lemass^[7], (Republican) and W.T. Cosgrave, Richard Mulcahy and Kevin O'Higgins^[8] (Free State). Moreover, many of these men's sons and daughters also became politicians, meaning that the personal wounds of the civil war were felt over three generations. In the 1930s after Fianna Fáil took power for the first time, it looked possible for a while that the Civil War might break out again between the IRA and the pro-Free State Blueshirts. Fortunately, this crisis was averted and by the 1950s, political violence was no longer prominent in politics in the Republic of Ireland.

However, the breakaway IRA continued (and continues in various forms) to exist. Up until the 1980s it still claimed to be the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic declared in 1918 and annulled by the Treaty of 1921. Some people, notably Michael McDowell, claim that this attitude, which dates from the Civil War, still underpins the politics of the Provisional IRA.

[编辑] 注释

1. ↑ (M.E. Collins, Ireland 1868-1968, page 286)
2. ↑ 迈克尔·霍普金斯的《绿色对绿色》(Michael Hopkinson, Green against Green)第112页：“乔·斯维尼，当尼戈尔支持条约派军事领导人，记录了柯林斯在暗杀后不久的一次会见。他告诉厄尼·奥梅丽：‘柯林斯告诉我他 策划了威尔逊的暗杀……他看起来很高兴。’弗兰克·桑顿，柯林斯小队的旧成员，回忆道暗杀是在总司令部的直接命令下实施的。科克郡第一旅的米克·莫菲说，当他在伦敦被要求参加阴谋时，解释道：‘那时他们有来自迈克尔·柯林斯的指示，打死威尔逊’……柯林斯的情报特工人员的叙述指出，6月份有新的指示。很清楚的是刺客[雷金纳德·邓恩]与其密谈多时。”("Joe Sweeney, the pro-treaty military leader in Donegal, recorded meeting Collins shortly shortly after the assassination. He told Ernie O'Malley, 'Collins told me he had arranged the shooting of Wilson...he looked very pleased'. Frank Thornton one of Collins old Squad recalled that the killing was carried out on the direct orders of GHQ.Mick Murphy of Cork no 1 Brigade, said that when in London he had been asked to take part in the plot explaining, 'they had instrcutions then from Michael Collins to shoot Wilson'...statements from Collins' intelligence agents point to fresh instruction being given in June. It is clear also that [Reginald] Dunne [the assassin] and spent some time closeted with him.") ME·柯林斯，《爱尔兰1868-1966》(ME Collins, Ireland 1868-1966)第229页：“曝光的证据开始证实是柯林斯被威尔逊在北部的行为激怒而下暗杀令”("Evidence has since come to light proving it was Collins, enraged by Wilson's role in the north, who ordered the killing".)。 尼亚尔·C·哈提根，《着陆凯瑞》(Niall C Hartigan, The Kerry Landings)第29页：“有可能陆军元帅……的处决令是柯林斯下的”("It is probable that the execution of the ...feild marshal was ordered by Collins".)。
3. ↑ 在1996年的电影《傲气盖天》中，埃蒙·德瓦莱拉在暗杀迈克尔·柯林斯之前和杀手见了面。但是，虽然德瓦莱拉当时就在该处，他也并没有被认为下过暗杀令。
   
4. ↑ (Coogan, De Valera p344)
5. ↑ (Hopkinson, Green against Green, page 273)
6. ↑ C. Younger, Ireland's Civil War (Fred Muller 1968) p516.
7. ↑ Whose brother Noel, a captain in the anti-Treaty IRA, was abducted and shot by Free State forces in July 1923, two months after the war had ended. His body was dumped in the Wicklow Mountains, near Glencree, where it was found in October 1923. The spot where his body was found is marked by a memorial.
   
8. ↑ O'Higgins was the Minister for Economic Affairs in the Free State government and was known to be in favour of executions of prisoners. His elderly father was killed by republicans during the civil war. He was assassinated in 1927 by anti-treaty IRA members on his way to Mass. He was killed in reprisal for what they viewed as his responsibility for executions of republicans during the civil war.
   

[编辑] 资料来源

• Calton Younger, Ireland's Civil War (Frederick Muller, London 1968).
• A record of some mansions and houses destroyed 1922-23 (The Irish Claims Compensation Association 1924).
• Ernie O'Malley, The Singing Flame, Dublin 1978.
• M.E. Collins, Ireland 1868-1966, Dublin 1993.
• Michael Hopkinson, Green against Green - the Irish Civil War
• Eoin Neeson, The Irish Civil War
• Paul V Walsh, The Irish Civil War 1922-23 -A Study of the Conventional Phase [1]
• Meda Ryan, The Real chief, Liam Lynch
• Tim Pat Coogan, De Valera, Long Fellow, Long Shadow
• http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/E900003-001/ - the Treaty Debates Dec 1921-Jan 1922 on-line.

[编辑] 外部链接

• The final siege of Limerick City from July 7 until July 21 1922, on the Limerick Leader web site.