Indian Muslim Nationalism
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Indian Muslim nationalism refers to the political and cultural expression of nationalism, founded upon the religious tenets and identity of Islam, of the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent.
Rising from the first days of Islamic empires in India, this article endeavors to explore and trace Muslim nationalism through medieval India and into the events of the 20th and early 21st century, within the modern nations of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The Indian subcontinent's Muslim population numbers around 550 million.
[edit] Historical foundations
The historical foundations of Muslim nationalist thinking derives inspiration from the years of the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal Empire in northern and central India. Those were the years when Muslim kingdoms were the most powerful military forces in India, and an elite Islamic society that descended from Central Asia, Afghanistan and the Middle East spread the religion amongst common Indians.
[edit] Ideological foundations
The first organized expressions began with Muslim scholars and reformers like Syed Ahmed Khan, Syed Ameer Ali and the Aga Khan.
Expression of Muslim separatism and nationhood emerged from modern Islam's pre-eminent poet and philosopher, Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal and political activists like Choudhary Rahmat Ali.
[edit] In politics
Some prominent Muslims politically sought a base for themselves, separate from Hindus and other Indian nationalists, who espoused the Indian National Congress. Muslim scholars, religious leaders and politicians founded the All India Muslim League in 1906.
Muslims comprised 25% to 30% of (pre-partition) India's collective population. Some Muslim leaders felt that their massive cultural and economic contributions to India's heritage and life merited a significant role for Muslims in a future independent India's governance and politics.
But others, led by Allama Iqbal and Muhammad Ali Jinnah felt a separate homeland must be obtained for all of India's Muslims. They espoused the Two-Nation Theory, that India was in fact home to the Muslim and Hindu nations, who were distinct in every way.
Another section of Muslim society, led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari and Maulana Azad felt that participation in the Indian Independence Movement and the Indian National Congress was a patriotic duty of all Muslims.
Religious leaders like Maulana Maudoodi did not prefer a single nation over two or vice versa, but sought to propagate the religion and create an Islamic republic in India.
[edit] Partition of India
Muhammad Ali Jinnah led the Muslim League's call for Pakistan. Some historians have come to believe that Jinnah did not actually want the partition of the Indian subcontinent, but used it as a potent weapon to secure greater political power for Indian Muslims. However, as time went on, communal tensions rose and so partition won increasing support among many Muslims in Muslim-majority areas of the Indian subcontinent.
On August 14, 1947, Pakistan was created out of the Muslim majority provinces of British India, Sind, the west of Punjab, Baluchistan, the east of Bengal and the North West Frontier Province. Communal violence broke out and millions of people were forced to flee their homes and many lost their lives. Hindus and Sikhs fled from Pakistan to India and Muslims fled from India to Pakistan.
However, because Muslim communities existed throughout the Indian subcontinent, partition actually left tens of millions of Muslims within the boundaries of the secular Indian state. Currently, approximately 12% of the population of India is Muslim.
The Muslim League idea of a Muslim Nationalism encompassing all of the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent seemed to lose out to ethnic nationalism in 1971, when East Pakistan, a Bengali dominated province, fought and won its independence from Pakistan, and became the independent country of Bangladesh.
[edit] Pakistani nationalism
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Pakistan has more than 160 million Muslims. It is also the fastest growing population among the 10 most populated countries with greater than 2% population growth each year and is expected to become the most populated Muslim country in the world within 10 years.
Pakistani Nationalism has varied from the original idea in the early 1900s to the status quo, usually varying by socio-economic class and political ideology. Originally, it was a concept defined by the Western regions of British India and their religious affiliation of Islam. During the late years of British rule and leading up to Partition, it had three distinct supporters:
1) Realists, such as Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who driven by political inflexibility demonstrated by the Congress Party, feared a systematic disenfranchisement of Muslims (and not necessarily Islam). This also included many members of the Parsi, and Aga Khani communities.
2) Technocratic Elitists, such as the majority of Aligarh students who were driven by a fear of being engulfed in "false secularism" that would assimilate their beliefs and values into a common system that defied Islamic tenets while hoping to create a state where their higher education and wealth would keep them in power over the other Muslims of India.
3) Idealists, primarily lower Orthodoxy (Barelvi), that feared the dominative power of the upper Orthodoxy (Deoband) and saw Pakistan as a safe haven to prevent their domination by State-controlled propaganda. Although some upper Orthodoxy also supported the state in the interests of an Islamic State.
Through the years this situation varied, however all parties secular and religious see Pakistan as a member of the global community, and Pakistanis as global citizens hailing from many different backgrounds including (and with great pride): Iran, Arabia, and India. Their primary purpose it to represent themselves as honest hard-working Muslims and provide safe haven to the millions of Muslim refugees from around the world such as Afghanistan and Burma.
In more recent times and through the efforts of Pervez Musharraf, there has been a distinctive U-turn on this policy, as the West sees this "Muslim melting pot" a manifest of Muslim Transnationalism which secular fundamentalists in the West see as a threat to Western society. Unfortunately, this effort has created strong rifts in Pakistani society with Westernized, classes benefitting from government patronage and support for their lifestyles have enjoyed the fruits of an economic boom while even the slightly religious classes of Pakistan have suffered from discriminatory treatment due to their unwillingless to change their lifestyles to European ones.
Most, if not all average Pakistanis truly believe in the implementation of Shariah, in a way that respects their religion and does not compromise its ideals and tenets to appease outsiders. This includes controversial legislation such as Hudood, which even many strict Muslims realize, requires strong institutions to properly enforce. There is a small smattering of secular fundamentalists who, primarily educated in the West, believe in the separation of Church and State, and their power and influence is greater due to their knowledge of English and interest in politics.
Today Pakistan is a thriving nation-state but not without its fair share of problems. It is second only to Malaysia in terms of economic diversification, and is one of the "Next Eleven" nations that will drive the world economy, as determined by Goldman Sachs.
[edit] Discrimination against non-Muslims in Pakistan
The United States Department of State lists several instances of religious discrimination against the Hindu and Christian minorities. The Hindu community faced harassment and demands for bribes from security forces, particularly during tense periods in the relationship between Pakistan and India.[1]
The Ahmadi, Christian, Hindu, and Shi'a Muslim communities reported significant discrimination in employment and access to education, including at government institutions[2].
Insults against minority religions were rarely prosecuted. For example, Ameer Hamza, a leader of the banned terrorist group Lashkar-e-Tayyibba, was not prosecuted for writing a highly derogatory book about Hinduism in 1999 called "Hindu Ki Haqeeqat" ("Reality of (a) Hindu"). Christian scriptures and books are readily available, but Christians have reported concerns about pressure leading to self-censorship[3].
On July 26, 2004, police illegally detained Hindu agricultural laborer Manu Kohli in Dadu District and subjected him to severe beatings and other forms of torture before releasing him. The two officers involved were charged with assault.
Forced and coerced conversions of religious minorities to Islam occurred at the hands of societal actors. Religious minorities claimed that Government actions to stem the problem were inadequate[4].
There were several incidents involving the abuse of specific religious groups carried out by individuals or organizations designated as terrorist organizations by the Secretary of State under Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act.[5]
Although there were few Jewish citizens in the country, anti-Semitic sentiments appeared to be widespread, and the press commonly published anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist press articles[6].
However, some members of the Pakistani Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (a coalition of Islamistparties), despite calls for further Islamization of Pakistan, made efforts to eliminate its rhetoric against Christians, Sikhs, Hindus, Buddhists, and Parsis, and under government pressure, many of its leaders joined various interfaith efforts to promote religious tolerance.
The Pakistani government has taken further steps to bolster religious freedom.
[edit] Bangladeshi nationalism
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Bangladesh is home to more than 120 million Muslims. It is the third-largest Muslim community in the world. Originally the Eastern wing of Pakistan, it gained independence in 1971 following a bloody civil war that claimed the lives of many people.
The founding of Bangladesh is open to controversy. While many Indian analysts see it as proof positive of the failure of the two-nation concept as purported by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, its formation is more due to socio-economics and political feudalism than a strong desire by the members of the state to step away from the idea of a Muslim homeland.
After the founding of Pakistan, the dominant political parties within the Western block were controlled by Urdu-speaking Indian migrants (especially those from Aligarh), who were seen as the leaders of Muslims in British India and (right or wrong) the "champions" of Pakistan. Because of their fluency in the lingua franca of Muslim South Asia, Urdu, and desire to transplant the tried-and-true institutions of the old Indian state to newly-created Pakistan, Urdu became the National language. This caused great concern among native Western and Eastern Pakistanis, the majority of whom spoke languages such as Bengali, Punjabi, Kashmiri, Pashto, and Gujarati rather than Urdu. On the other hand, due to its neutrality, it was seen as the perfect language to build the nation-state upon.
Unfortunately, Urdu itself came under attack, much to the chagrin of prominent Bengalis who spoke it and believed in it as a means of bridging the many gaps throughout the newly-created Pakistan. Some Technocrats and Elitists saw Urdu as a means by which to retain power, keeping non-speakers out, alienating most Bengalis. This, along with the economic disparity between West and East Pakistan that saw massive transfers of capital from the West to the East, created a situation where Bengalis felt increasingly isolated and unable to participate in the new nation-state. Few West Pakistanis saw this and continued to participate in both sides of the country (many Memons and Gujaratis were living and building businesses in East Pakistan). This led to the creation of Bengali political parties that espoused greater regional autonomy and recognition of Bengali as a second National Language. This was ironic given that English, not Urdu, was the primary language of the State, and most analysts at that time were hard-pressed to believe that would change.
Following a stunning victory whereby Bengali parties captured the majority of the seats in the elections of 1970, the elite enclaves of Western Pakistani Muslims, primarily residing in Karachi and Lahore at that time, feared ethnic domination and sectarianism. With the rise of ethnic politics, it would be very easy for other ethnicities to feel threatened, and besides, they argued, it would be counter-intuitive to the idea of one Muslim state where ethnicity is irrelevant and greater importance should be placed on the common heritage of Islam.
The Western Pakistani response was bloodthirsty, killing hundreds of innocent Bengalis and few Indian terrorists in an effort to suppress who they deemed were insurgents. In the end, Bangladesh was created and millions of residents of the former West and East wings were displaced. Most non-Bengalis, fearing persecution, attempted to flee to Western Pakistan. A significant number of Biharis, who identify with Pakistan, continue to live in Bangladesh with no status and no recognition from the Bangladeshi government, while a strong number of Bengalis continue to live in Pakistan and are mostly integrated into the fabric of a culturally diverse Pakistan.
Today, following an initial brutal secular dictatorship run by the original "fathers for freedom," Bangladesh is a more economically diverse state with good relations with Pakistan. It has reverted from its ethnocetric apparatus in the 1970s and has slowly progressed to become an Islamic Republic in-line with Pakistan. One where the majority of the people are in-favor of Shariah and want to see a sincere effort to abide by it within strong institutions. This has been driven partially by the rise of an educated religious class that is highly professional, and believes in the original ideals for Pakistan without having to give up their own sovereignty to attain it. Bangladesh has also produced some of the best economists in the world, and has made a strong comeback, though it has not fully recovered from the brutal slayings of its scientists and intellectuals.
The current Prime Minister, Khaleda Zia, has even made overtures to India in an attempt to increase trade, achieve peace and a speedy resolution to the region's outstanding disputes, particularly Kashmir, which has been the catalyst for an escalating arm's race within the region. However, it largely remains uninvolved and this has allowed it to focus on human development which has won it recognition around the world. There is however continued fear in Bangladesh that the rise of Sheikh Hasina's Awami League, a product of the secular dictatorship of the 1970s would reverse much of the progress the country has made in improving relations with Pakistan, and rather invite greater Indian involvement in running state affairs akin to Nepal and Bhutan. This would likely also impact the State's ability to retain its moderate Islamic composition.
[edit] Discrimination against non-Muslims in Bangladesh
As of 2004, the Bangladeshi government's human rights record has been reprted as poor by the United States Department of State[7], and the government continued to commit numerous serious abuses, some on the Hindu and Christian minorities.[8]
Reports of BNP harassment of Hindus, who traditionally vote for the AL, preceded and followed the 2001 election. Reported incidents included killings, rape, looting, and torture. The BNP acknowledged reports of atrocities committed between Muslims and Hindus; but claimed that they were exaggerated[9]
During 2004 the Bangladeshi government did not take any measures to implement the 2001 Vested Property Act providing for property restitution to (mostly) Hindus who had their property seized by the government after the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 under the Vested Property Act. The government did not publish a list of vested property under its control and as a result, the original land owners cannot reclaim their entitled property.As in previous years the government failed to prepare a list of property that was expropriated by the government from Hindus following the 1965 India-Pakistan War.[10]
Discrimination against Ahmadiyas, Hindus, and Christians occurred during the year. On June 22, unknown actors set ablaze an Ahmadiya mosque in Nator, and two days later, unknown actors detonated several bombs at an Ahmadiya mosque in Brahmanbaria, and four bombs at an Ahmadiya mosque in Bhadugarh in the Branmanbaria area. At year's end eight persons were arrested in connection with the attacks.
On July 28, unknown assailants in Faridpur district killed two employees of the NGO Christian Life Bangladesh, allegedly because they showed an evangelical film. Police arrested several suspects for the killing, but at year's end police released all suspects and no charges were filed.
In January 2004 according to press reports, armed attackers led by a local BNP leader set on fire 20 houses belonging to Hindus, injuring 30 persons. Victims alleged that the attack originated over a pending property dispute.[11]
n September 2004 unidentified assailants killed Dr. Joseph Gomes, a Christian convert, near his home in Jamalpur district. Police arrested a local madrasah teacher, Maulana Abdus Sobhan Munshi for the killing, held him for two weeks, and released him. At year's end no one else was charged for the crime.
While there is no known local Jewish community, anti-Semitic commentary sometimes appeared in the press.
The Government has taken some steps to promote interfaith understanding. The Government promoted the peaceful celebration of Durga Purja, a major Hindu holiday in October 2004, and supported peaceful activities during Ramadan and before Eid Al-Azha.[12]
[edit] Muslim nationalism in India
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India has a population of over 120 million Muslims spread across many states including Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Assam, Kerala, Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh. It is the second-largest home to Muslims after Indonesia and the second-largest home to Shia Muslims (after Iran and before Pakistan).
Since partition, there has been a great deal of conflict within the various Muslim communities as to how to best function within the complex political and cultural mosaic that defines Indian politics in India today. Due to scare tactics by secular fundamentalist parties invoking an image of militant Hinduism, many Muslims ally themselves with Congress and other left-wing parties in the hopes of securing rights and privileges within the nation-state. This approach, driven primarily by the elite and educated classes is driven both by an alienation from "Islamic" Pakistan and realism. On the other hand it has estranged less privileged Indian Muslims who identify more with religious Hindus and believe that the Indian state has an obligation to enforce universal religious sensitivities. Despite this, many common Muslims will vote and identify with Congress for welfare support and a rejection of militant Hinduism. The recent economic policies of the left-wing coalition within the Indian Parliament has challenged this, and governmental overtures to attract right-wing Hindus has played a role in increasing support for the BJP, especially in the Southern states.
All in all, Muslim perseverance in sustaining their continued advancement along with Government efforts to focus on Pakistan as the primary problem for Indian Muslims in achieving true minority rights has created a sometimes extreme support for Indian nationalism,giving the Indian State much-needed credibility in projecting a strong secular image throughout the rest of the world.
The creation of Pakistan has created a deep identity crisis for Muslim Indian. Hindus in India bitterly resent the fact that their motherland was divided by Muslims to gain their own land. This bitterness more often then not turns against Indian Muslims. Thus Muslim Indians although patriotic, resent their patriotism being questioned.Recent terrorist attacks have been the Mumbai Bomb Blast, Varanasi Temple bombing, Delhi Bomb Blasts , Akshardham Temple attack. These attacks place the Muslim Indian community in an awkward situation as the attacks occur due to some local support. Due to the misguided action of some Muslims, the entire community gets a black name.
Moreover, majority of Muslims live in poverty. Thus they are breeding ground for inciting anger against the majority Hindu community.
But in the recent past, many modern educated muslims have come forward and denounced the brand of Islam taught in the madrasas, and reaffirmed their patriotism. Also, Muslims are present in all the major fields. The Indian film industry popularly known as Bollywood has many popular Muslim stars. The Indian cricket team, has it's share of Muslim players who play with zeal and patriotism as any other players. The players have performed with distinction especially in matches against Pakistan.
Given this situation, the intermediate economic state of the Muslims in India has created a transitory composition of its population. Tens of thousands of Bangladeshis migrate to India each year, and while India also bans immigration INTO India (owing to its own overpopulation), this has set the tone for relatively hostile relations between the two countries, and has a profound impact on Muslim Nationalism
[edit] South Asian Muslim leaders
Reformers
Syed Ahmed Khan, Maulana Mohammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali
Freedom Fighters(primarily against the British)
Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, Maulana Azad, Saifuddin Kitchlew, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Abbas Tyabji
Pakistan Movement
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, A.K. Fazlul Huq
[edit] See also
- Arrow of a Blue-Skinned God by Jonah Blank
- Patel: A Life by Rajmohan Gandhi
- India and Pakistan in War and Peace by J.N. Dixit
